KCK Eşbaşkanı Cemil Bayık geçtiğimiz haftaki açıklamasında “1 Eylül’e Türkçe’ den Mahmut Hamsici’ye bir röportaj vermiş ve 1 Eylül tarihini. Fotograflar İlker Akgüngör Türkiye ve Ortadoğuda kim PKK ile ortak Cemil Bayık ile söyleşi (30 Ocak )-Tam metin . O tarihten beri biz hep Kürt sorununun demokratik, siyasal yöntemle çözülmesinde ısrar ediyoruz. Cemil Bayık . 13 Ocak tarihinde Çınar, Diyarbakır’da PKK tarafından içerisinde polis lojmanları bulunan İlçe Emniyet Müdürlüğü’ne düzenlenen bombalı.

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Cemil Bayık

PKK militants considered themselves Marxists engaged in initiating a revolution with Kurdistan as their focal area. It is not necessary to make such a step; that step has already been made for you.

Like all the main cities in Turkey at the end of the s, Antep was a hotbed of political activity.

Leftist heritage, martyrdom, democracy and gender [Full text]. Tactical preparations had taken much time. The position of the left generally on this issue is represented by publications on the Kurdish issue from Dev-Yol, also an off-spring of the THKP-C and the most influential organization in revolutionary politics during the period preceding the coup.

However, this account and interpretation of the events surrounding the death of his brother was only made by Baki Karer after he had left the party tariihseven years after the killing. Though it has been argued that the Pjk abandoned its original position, we would argue that the party creatively inverted the original Leninist thesis.

Washington’s plan to separate YPG from PKK won’t fool anyone in Turkey

In practice, this was is an intense ccemil of thinking, discussion, reflection and self -criticism, a kind of focused group study. This marked the temporary end of an organized left.

Nor is Turkey intimidated by the prospect of a Taeihi. Haki Karer … was engaged in an intensive ideological struggle against social-chauvinism and bourgeois-nationalism. A humanities webjournal centred on the Turkish domain Publisher: Akkaya and JongerdenJongerden and Akkaya According to the PKK such a unification of the left could only take place in the context of an ideological transformation: The tarihl of the s became a period of collapse and re-establishment for tsrihi left in Turkey and of crucial atrihi for the formation process that led to the establishment of the PKK.


Ankara will never allow the YPG, or whatever the Americans intend to call it in the future, to represent Syrian Kurds at the negotiating table. At the beginning of the s Ankara was a main center of the radical left. The coup was followed by a new constitution, the most liberal Turkey had ever had, creating political opportunities for the public expression of leftist politics.

Our party is composed of the whole nation, whose interests are bayo to American imperialism Lipovsky New Perspectives on Turkey. This contradiction had produced divergent left-wing nationalisms, one Turkish the other Kurdish, instead of a revolutionary left in Turkey. The period following the coup and the general elections in was marked by an absence of publicly visible and active political organizations on the left.

The movement [Kurdistan Revolutionaries] regained control again in Antep.

Cemil Bayık | SETA

Instead of interpreting history from a Marxist perspective, instead of applying historical materialism to Kurdistan and the existence of Kurds, they [the left in Turkey] approach the issue as if there is only one country within the borders of the Misak-i Milli … For them there is no Kurdistan, only Turkey.

Let alone the obsession with numbers, we are reluctant to depict the struggle of the PKK as an ethnic struggle. Is this how you organized the funeral? According to Mustafa Karasu, a leading PKK veteran, the nation-state is a bourgeois concept, and thus to be rejected by socialists. Following the death of Karer, the Antep branch of the Kurdistan Revolutionaries fell apart.

Some announce they will make a similar step as the PKK did. Yet when something seems bizarre, unintelligible or incomprehensible, this does not say more than that we simply do not understand it, and that we should, therefore, try to look for the sense it makes, at least for those involved Becker A Critique of Political Economy.


The first step that the U. New Left Review, pp. Even then, there was already a sense of a strong group feeling personal communication with Ibrahim Aydin, Browse Index Authors Keywords. Hence, the increasingly popular question with regard to who will speak for Syrian Kurds in the future. The revolutionary left in Turkey, based on the rejection of the colony-thesis, saw a common struggle and favored a united organization.

Joost Jongerden and Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya. In the election, in which about delegates participated, representing ten times that number of students, eleven representatives were elected, and added to the official board of seven.

Is this your faithfulness to Haki? Reading PKK documents, one may distinguish between two objectives the movement had from its inception. Members from various leftist organizations did actually participate in or were trained by the PKK. The text is of particular significance politically since it was published a few months before the Kurdistan Revolutionaries established their organization as a political party, in November This is not faithfulness to the memory of Haki.

Accordingly, therefore, a national-democratic revolution the Milli Demokratik Devrimor MDD thesis was necessary, one in which workers, peasants and progressive forces within the bourgeoisie needed to enter into an alliance. Those who said they could take over our movement had to run away.

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Karer was thus made the second person in rank in the organization and the only person in the movement who has ever reached that status. One of those meetings was the Dikmen meeting innamed after the neighborhood in Ankara where the gathering took place. Sometimes they were with 15 people, other times 20 or even Nationalisms and Politics in Turkey: Guevara, Ernesto Tricontinental Conference Speech.